Source hacking: How trolls manipulate the media

Note: This is something I originally published in the daily newsletter sent out by the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Most people are probably familiar by now with the idea that there are “trolls” on the Internet—thanks in part to events like GamerGate, but also to the rise of Donald Trump, the Troll-in-Chief who occupies the White House. Many trolls have an agenda of some kind, as the infamous Russian Internet Research Agency did, while others seem to just get a kick out of creating chaos. As Alfred said to Bruce Wayne in The Dark Knight, “some men just like to watch the world burn.” But regardless, there are some similarities in how trolls work, and how they are able to capture the attention of both regular Internet users—and, in some cases, professional journalists—in order to spread their disinformation far and wide. An attempt to create a taxonomy of trolling tactics is the aim of a new report published by the digital think tank Data & Society, written by Joan Donovan, Director of the Technology and Social Change Research Project at Harvard University’s Kennedy School, and senior researcher Brian Friedberg.

The report focuses on a subset of online manipulation that Donovan calls “source hacking.” The report describes this as a set of techniques for hiding the sources of problematic information, in order to permit its circulation in mainstream media—an indirect method for targeting journalists, by planting false information in places they are likely to encounter it. The report breaks down the tactics used by trolls into four categories: 1) Viral Sloganeering, which consists of repackaging reactionary talking points for social media and press amplification; 2) Leak Forgery, which involves prompting a media spectacle by sharing forged documents; 3) Evidence Collages, which are documents (usually images) made up of information or misinformation from multiple sources so as to make them easily shareable, and 4) Keyword Squatting, the strategic domination of keywords and “sock-puppet” accounts in order to misrepresent the behavior of specific groups or individuals.

Donovan and Friedberg use recent case studies to illustrate each of their sub-categories. For example, one of the most successful viral sloganeering success stories was the “Jobs Not Mobs” hashtag from October 2018. The slogan emerged first on Reddit threads, where users came up with visual memes that would help the hashtag spread, including video clips showing decontextualized riots and migrant caravans. “Easily shareable audiovisual material, alongside the deployment of a hashtag, created opportunities for a swarm of participation, and the slogan quickly grew past its point of origin in far-right online hubs,” the report says. The slogan moved to Twitter and Facebook, where automated or bot-like accounts helped it spread even further, and finally the hashtag was used by the president of the United States in a tweet—the Mount Everest of trolling.

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YouTube tries to have its cake and eat it too

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Google would really like everyone to know that its video sharing service, YouTube, is on the job when it comes to cracking down on offensive content. To that end, the company put on a full-court press this week announcing that it had removed more than 100,000 videos and over 17,000 channels for violating its hate speech rules between April and June, which is five times more than it removed in the previous three months. The company said it also took down over 500 million comments because they included hate speech. According to a blog post about the crackdown, YouTube’s moderators removed about 30,000 videos last month alone. And how popular were these videos compared to the rest of the content on the streaming service? The company would like you to know that they “generated just 3% of the views that knitting videos did over the same time period.”

In other words, instead of getting actual usable information about something, we get a comparison to something else that we also haven’t been given any details on, in such a way as to provide an illusion of transparency. How popular are knitting videos compared to the rest of what appears on YouTube? We have no idea. But we know that they are just about as popular as 30,000 videos the company removed, which we also know nothing about, other than they breached the site’s terms and conditions. That means we know next to nothing, and that seems to be the way YouTube would like to keep it. As far as the company is concerned, getting upset about people viewing offensive content is like getting upset about knitting videos. YouTube’s community guidelines Enforcement Report is similar: Filled with impressive-looking numbers, but little useful detail.

But even the illusion of transparency is better than what the company usually comes up with when it removes and/or reinstates accounts and videos. Just days before the announcement about the removals, for example, YouTube reinstated two controversial accounts that it had previously removed after much criticism — one belonging to white nationalist Martin Sellner, and another belonging to a British YouTube broadcaster who calls himself The Iconoclast, both of whom have ties to the white supremacist movement, including the shooter who opened fire on a mosque in Christchurch, New Zealand (and spread video of the shooting on YouTube). Why the sudden change of heart on these two and their use of YouTube’s platform? Are there new criteria being applied? All the company would say was that while many “may find the viewpoints expressed in these channels deeply offensive,” the company had decided the channels in question did not violate its community guidelines after all.

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Facebook and Twitter continue to profit from Chinese propaganda

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Last week, both Facebook and Twitter removed a number of accounts and pages they said were part of a propaganda effort tied to the Chinese government, aimed at spreading disinformation about the ongoing protests in Hong Kong. According to Facebook, Twitter was the first to detect the campaign, and it then alerted its social-networking counterpart about “inauthentic behavior” on its platform. Facebook removed seven pages, three groups and five accounts that it said engaged in a number of deceptive tactics, including posing as news organizations. Twitter, meanwhile, said that it had removed more than 900 accounts originating from China, which it said were attempting to sow political discord, “including undermining the legitimacy and political positions of the protest movement” (although the owner of at least one account included in that total denied being part of any co-ordinated Chinese propaganda campaign).

In a related move, Twitter said that it would no longer accept advertising and promoted tweets from state-owned media entities such as Xinhua or China Daily. Facebook, however, did not say anything of the sort, although a spokesman said that the company continues to “look at our policies as they relate to state-owned media.” As it stands now, despite the action it took against the Chinese government-funded accounts engaging in inauthentic behavior, Facebook seems to have no problem continuing to promote ads bought by the country’s state media. Xinhua placed four ads on Monday, according to BuzzFeed, saying the police have been “very restrained” in handling the riots, and calling them “heroes” for standing up to the protesters, and other state outlets have been running ads promoting the benefits of the detention and re-education camps China has set up for Uighur Muslims.

Despite its ban on state-owned media, Twitter has also apparently continued to run ads and promoted tweets from China’s state-run media outlets, according to BuzzFeed reporter Ryan Mac. In its announcement about the ban, the company said that advertisers would have to remove their existing campaigns after 30 days, and that it would not accept any new ones, but the ones BuzzFeed found appeared to be brand new campaigns. Some of them involve harmless positive statements about Chinese culture, but others promote anti-US sentiment, and one says that Hong Kong “used to be a paradise” and is now “engulfed in chaos.” When asked about the campaigns, a Twitter spokesman would not comment other than to point CJR to the part of the company’s previous statement where it said it would take 30 days to remove state-funded ads.

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Facebook goes back to the future by hiring journalists for news tab

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Journalists who cover Facebook get used to feeling a sense of deja vu, since the social networking behemoth often tends to revisit things it has tried to do once—or even multiple times—in the past. The company says that’s because it is committed to “iterating” (as tech founders like to call it), which means trying the same thing over and over until it comes out right. The idea of employing journalists to curate the news definitely falls into that category. Facebook has said it is planning to roll out a new standalone tab for news, for which it is cutting lucrative deals with a number of leading publishers like The New York Times and Washington Post. And it is also hiring a handful of professional editors to curate the top headlines. But will the social network manage to make this unlikely marriage of humans and algorithms work any better than it did the last time?

Facebook’s previous attempt to curate the news turned into what could only be described as a fiasco. The company hired human editors to help select headlines for its “trending topics” feature, which began in 2014 as an attempt to compete with Twitter as a breaking news platform, run by Facebook’s all-powerful algorithm. All seemed to be going well, until Gizmodo ran a story in 2016 that quoted some of the company’s hired editors admitting that they often deliberately excluded some conservative websites from the trending topics lineup. The truth of the matter turned out to be much more nuanced than the headline portrayed it (as even the editor of the piece later admitted), but the damage was done. Conservatives soon howled that Facebook was biased against them, and the company scrambled to apologize and make amends. The human editors were fired, and eventually the feature was shut down completely.

This was arguably the genesis of the long-standing conspiracy theory that Facebook is biased against conservatives, something that has been raised time and time again by pundits—not to mention the White House and Congress—despite the fact that there is absolutely no evidence to support it (and in fact significant evidence to the contrary). The idea of a separate news tab has also been tried before, although in a slightly different way. In 2018, Facebook ran an experiment in six countries where it removed news from the News Feed completely, and put it all in a separate tab called Explore. This also failed miserably, as several Facebook executives admitted, and eventually the experiment was scrapped. “People don’t want two separate feeds,” said Chris Cox, who at the time was CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s second-in-command. One big problem with the tab: virtually no one ever went there, which (needless to say) left news publishers concerned about the impact on their traffic.

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Could WordPress + Tumblr create an alternative to Facebook?

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

When Verizon announced earlier this week that it was selling Tumblr, the blogging platform Yahoo acquired in 2013 for $1.1 billion, most of the attention focused on the price: according to Axios, the communications conglomerate sold Tumblr for just $3 million (Vox says closer to $2 million). In other words, Yahoo vaporized about 99 percent of the platform’s theoretical value in the six years it owned the company. But apart from this massive bonfire of value, one of the most interesting things about the Tumblr sale was the acquirer: Automattic, the parent company of WordPress. If Tumblr was the Coney Island freak show of the blogosphere, WordPress is the more dependable cousin—the one with a steady job. Could the combination of the two bring back the glory days of independent blogging? Some are clearly hoping that it will, and if anyone has a chance of pulling it off, it’s probably WordPress.

More than 35 percent of the world’s 1 million most popular websites run on the company’s publishing software (about ten times the number that use its nearest competitor). That list includes many leading publishers such as The New Yorker, TechCrunch, the BBC and Variety magazine. But the software behind all of these sites isn’t the product of some massive corporation like Microsoft: founder Matt Mullenweg cobbled it together in 2003, when he was just 19 years old. Even more surprising, the core of WordPress is still open source, meaning anyone can help develop it, and any user can download, install and run it for free. Automattic helps manage the free version, but also sells a for-pay version and related services to large publishers. The company is valued at over $1 billion.

In an interview with The Verge on Tuesday, Mullenweg—who is now CEO of Automattic–makes it clear the purchase of Tumblr wasn’t just an attempt to cash in on a Verizon fire sale. Part of his motivation, he suggests, was to try to bring back some of the magic of the old days of blogging, when the web seemed to be mostly made up of individuals writing on their own websites instead of just posting to a Facebook news feed. And Mullenweg clearly sees the open-source, do-it-yourself ethos of Tumblr and WordPress as an alternative to the centralized control of a social-networking behemoth like Facebook. “I would love for Tumblr to become a social alternative,” he says. “It has the fun and friendliness of some of the other networks we use, but without that democracy destroying…” The sentence is left unfinished, but it’s obvious who he’s talking about.

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Casey Newton on dismantling the platforms and taking Facebook’s cash

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the New Gatekeepers blog at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Most technology journalists were naive in the early days of the social web, Verge senior editor Casey Newton admitted in a recent interview with CJR, in the sense that most of the coverage of Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube focused on their benefits rather than the potential for harassment, abuse, and disinformation. “Yeah, I think we were naive,” Newton said in an interview on CJR’s discussion platform, Galley. “There had never been social networks with billions of users before, and it was difficult to predict the consequences that would come with global scale. The ability for anyone to beam a message instantly to hundreds of millions of people was new in human history, and for a while it wasn’t clear how that power would be used.”

For the most part, said Newton—a former senior writer at CNET and reporter for the San Francisco Chronicle—journalists in Silicon Valley covered the social platforms either as success stories or focused primarily on them as business stories, writing about IPOs and valuations. Some reporters and academics focused on the darker aspects of these networks, Newton said, but for most “that narrative was secondary to the question of whether these businesses would survive and thrive.” That all changed with the election in 2016, he said, when it became obvious how easily social platforms could be exploited by foreign states to spread propaganda. “We saw how weak the platform defenses were,” he said. “What had looked like fun distractions turned out to be far more consequential. And we’ve been catching up to those consequences ever since.”

I asked Newton whether he thought Facebook co-founder and CEO Mark Zuckerberg or Twitter co-founder and CEO Jack Dorsey should be held personally responsible for not foreseeing some of the issues that have been caused by their platforms. Zuckerberg admitted in an interview last year that for the first 10 years of the company’s life, all he thought about were the positive aspects of connecting billions of people in real time. And as a followup question, I asked Newton whether he thought the government should be regulating and/or breaking up Facebook, Google, and other mega-platforms.

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The myth of social platform anti-conservative bias refuses to die

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Despite an almost total lack of evidence to support the theory, alt-right groups and mainstream conservatives alike—including the ones that currently occupy the White House—continue to promote the idea that Facebook, Twitter and Google are somehow biased against them. It’s a conspiracy theory that has cropped up in a variety of ways since at least 2016, and has led to some almost farcical situations, including a Congressional hearing in which the right-wing YouTube hosts known as Diamond and Silk argued that the platforms were censoring them, despite the fact that they had a large and growing following. In a similar way, Donald Trump has repeatedly made the case that Twitter is somehow throttling his reach on the service, despite the fact that the president has more than 60 million followers.

In the latest move in this long and tiresome parade of grievances, sources tell Politico the White House is circulating drafts of a proposed executive order that would address allegations of anti-conservative bias by social media companies, according to a White House official and two other people familiar with the matter. This comes just a month after Trump pledged to explore “all regulatory and legislative solutions” to the issue. Those comments were made when the president announced a Social Media Summit, which was supposed to look at the topic of anti-conservative bias. But the event turned into a sideshow featuring a rogue’s gallery of alt-right names, including Diamond & Silk, a meme-maker known as Carpe Donktum, and a reporter from Infowars. None of the social platforms were invited.

Politico’s sources didn’t have any real details about what the proposed executive order might say, or what penalties it might invoke for alleged anti-conservative bias, which suggests that it could be a lot of smoke and mirrors. An unnamed White House official was quoted as saying that “if the internet is going to be presented as this egalitarian platform and most of Twitter is liberal cesspools of venom, then at least the president wants some fairness in the system.” This phrasing calls to mind the Fairness Doctrine, an old FCC requirement that forced broadcast networks to air opposing viewpoints on important political topics. That rule was eventually seen as being in conflict with the First Amendment, and it’s likely that any executive order compelling the social platforms to say or not say certain things would face a similar roadblock from freedom-of-speech advocates.

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What responsibility do hosting companies have for sites like 8chan?

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the New Gatekeepers blog at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Over the August 4th weekend, another mass shooting took place in which the shooter posted material related to his attack — including written “manifestos,” as well as images and in some cases live, streaming video — to the controversial online community 8chan. The gunman in the latest case, who killed 20 people in a Walmart in El Paso, Texas, posted his alleged justification for the rampage on 8chan’s message boards, and so did the killer in the Christchurch mosque shootings in New Zealand in March, and the shooter who opened fire on a mosque near San Diego, Calif. in April. Commenters on the 8chan threads for these acts referred to each of the shooters as “our guy,” and in some cases have talked about the killing as a “high score,” the way someone playing a video game would.

Until late Sunday night, 8chan used the services of a company called Cloudflare, which runs a network of powerful internet “proxy” servers that can balance the traffic going to such sites when there is a sudden onslaught of visitors — either because a piece of content has become popular, or because malicious users are directing a “denial of service” attack at the site by hitting it with an automated deluge of traffic. When 8chan’s role in the latest mass shooting came to light, reporters asked Cloudflare whether the company planned to continue providing these services to the site, and Cloudflare said yes, arguing that it isn’t up to the company to decide what kinds of content are appropriate. But by late Sunday, Cloudflare CEO Matthew Prince had changed his mind, and said 8chan would be blocked from using the service.

This isn’t the first time this issue has come up for Cloudflare. In 2017, the company went through a similar debate before cutting off neo-Nazi website The Daily Stormer, which routinely promotes racism and white supremacist ideology. Prince finally decided to block the site from Cloudflare’s service, but wrote a long and thoughtful blog post about how he didn’t think his company and others like it —those that provide hosting services and other utilities — should have the power to effectively remove certain websites from the public internet. “Due Process requires that decisions be public and not arbitrary,” Prince said. “Law enforcement, legislators, and courts have the political legitimacy and predictability to make decisions on what content should be restricted. Companies should not.” Prince said something very similar in a blog post about 8chan, as well as in interviews, as did legal experts such as Kate Klonick of Yale Law School, an expert in censorship and online misinformation

A provider like Cloudflare can’t block a site from the internet completely, but removing its services means 8chan could be crippled fairly easily by a denial-of-service attack or some other exploit. In effect, it makes the site much less stable, which in turn makes it less likely to have as much reach. And Cloudflare isn’t the only one that has taken action: Google removed 8chan from its search index in 2015, which means that anyone searching for it gets links to Wikipedia entries and news stories about it rather than a link to the site itself. Of course, the content often filters out even when the sites themselves are taken down: the conservative news site The Drudge Report, for example, posted a version of the El Paso killer’s manifesto even though most other sites refused to even link to it. And Gizmodo notes that while Cloudflare may have removed 8chan, the proxy service and other hosting services continue to support a wide range of other objectionable and hate-filled sites. 

As was the case with The Daily Stormer, the removal of service by companies like Cloudflare usually results in a scramble to come up with alternative hosting and DoS protection. Much like the neo-Nazi site, 8chan fairly quickly signed up with a Cloudflare-like provider called Bitmitigate — which is a subsidiary of Epik, a company whose founder bragged about helping to host The Daily Stormer after it was taken offline. But even an internet utility has to rely on other utilities for its livelihood, which in turn makes its content and services vulnerable. In the case of Bitmitigate, a company called Voxility owns the internet infrastructure that allows the caching or proxy service to function, and after its role was pointed out on Twitter (by Alex Stamos, former director of security at Facebook, among others) the company said it had removed Bitmitigate from its service.

In some ways, the responsibility that social networks like Facebook and YouTube have for offensive content is more obvious than it is for a service provider like Cloudflare. Facebook and Twitter and Google not only help to distribute such content, but their content-promoting algorithms make sure plenty of people see it, which is an editorial function like the one newspapers used to fulfill. Cloudflare and similar hosting services are more like the power company, which operates the grid that keeps the lights on, or the phone network that connects users and allows them to call each other. Should the power company be deciding which companies or homes to supply electricity to? Should the phone company be cutting off users who choose to talk about offensive subjects using their network?

None of these analogies are totally accurate, but they help show why providers like Cloudflare have a difficult time removing services even from obvious online cesspools like 8chan, and why questions are often raised when payment processors like PayPal or Visa make it impossible to donate to certain entities (as they did with WikiLeaks). Do we want a utility provider to be making those kinds of decisions? And if not, then who does? And based on what criteria? These are the kinds of questions that 8chan — and the role it has played in mass shootings — have forced us to begin to grapple with.

Facebook’s 3rd party fact-checking program falls short

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

In December of 2016, in the wake of a firestorm of criticism about online disinformation and Facebook’s role in spreading it during the 2016 election, the social network reached out to a number of independent fact-checking organizations and created the Facebook Third Party Fact-Checking project. When these outside agencies debunked a news story or report, Facebook promised to make this ruling obvious to users, and to down-rank the story or post in its all-powerful News Feed algorithm so fewer people would see it. But even though the project has grown to the point where there are now 50 partner organizations fact-checking around the world, it’s still very much an open question how useful or effective the program actually is at stopping the spread of misinformation.

One of those raising questions is a relatively new Facebook fact-checking partner in the UK, known as Full Fact, a non-profit entity that recently published an in-depth report on the first six months of its involvement in the program. The group says its overall conclusion is that the third-party fact-checking project is worthwhile, but it has a number of criticisms to make about the way the program works. For example, Full Fact says the way Facebook rates misinformation needs to change, because the terminology or categories it applies aren’t granular enough to encompass the various different kinds. It also says that while the company has expanded to fact-check in 42 different languages, Facebook has so far failed to scale up the speed with which it flags and responds to fact checks. According to the group, it fact-checked just 96 claims in six months (and was paid $171,800 under the terms of its partnership contract).

One of the group’s other concerns is more fundamental: namely, that Facebook simply doesn’t provide enough transparency or clarity on the impact of the fact-checking that groups like Full Fact do. How many users did the debunks or fact-checks reach? How many clicked on the related links from the info pane? Did this slow or even halt the spread of that misinformation? Facebook doesn’t divulge enough data to even begin to answer those questions. Its only response to the Full Fact report and its 11 recommendations was to tell the group that it is “encouraged that many of the recommendations in the report are being actively pursued by our teams as part of continued dialogue with our partners, and we know there’s always room to improve.” There was no response to the criticism about a lack of data.

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Facebook’s funding of local journalism is problematic

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

On Wednesday, Facebook announced the first round of grant recipients for what the social-media giant is calling its Facebook Journalism Project Community Network. The 23 media outlets who will receive the money—between $5,000 and $25,000 per newsroom—were chosen by Facebook’s partner: the Lenfest Institute, a non-profit entity set up by former cable magnate Gerry Lenfest in part to finance the continued operation of the Philadelphia Inquirer and Philadelphia Daily News. Facebook said in a news release about the grant program that the winners “include a fresh approach to business sustainability through community-funded journalism, and expansion of successful storytelling events shown to increase reader revenue.”

Being a small, community-focused media outlet has never been easy, but it has gotten increasingly difficult of late, as the print advertising business has plummeted and digital advertising has been squeezed. So it’s not surprising that startups and hyperlocal players like the ones chosen to receive Facebook’s largesse would celebrate their victory, since the company’s funding will presumably allow them to do things they otherwise couldn’t—including, perhaps, keep the lights on. But there is an elephant in the room: namely, the fact that Facebook is one of the main reasons the media industry is in such desperate straits in the first place, since it controls a significant share of the ad market, and the attention of billions of daily users.

The almost two dozen media entities who are getting the Facebook grants include a number of prominent players in community-based journalism, including Spaceship Media, which organizes events aimed at bringing together disparate groups in an attempt to discuss difficult topics, the education-focused outlet known as Chalkbeat, and the Tyler Loop from Texas, which got money to expand its live storytelling events. There’s Block Club Chicago, a member of the blockchain-powered journalism platform Civil, and a project called 100 Days in Appalachia. But somewhat surprisingly, the recipients also include a number of much larger, more traditional media companies, including the Los Angeles Times—which is getting money to fund community forums—as well as Newsday, which is owned by Cablevision founder Charles Dolan, and The Salt Lake Tribune.

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Journalists have to walk a fine line, says disinformation expert Whitney Phillips

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

One of the most challenging problems of the digital information age is how to report on disinformation without pouring gasoline on the fire in the process. While working with the New York-based group Data & Society, media analyst Whitney Phillips (now an assistant professor of communications at Syracuse University) wrote a comprehensive report on this challenge, entitled The Oxygen of Amplification: Better Practices for Reporting on Extremists, Antagonists, and Manipulators. We thought this topic was worth exploring in more depth, so we asked Prof. Phillips to join us on our Galley discussion platform for an interview, which took place over multiple days.

The idea that journalists can exacerbate problems merely by doing their jobs is somewhat more widely accepted now, thanks in part to the work of Prof. Phillips and Joan Donovan, who runs the Technology and Social Change Research Project at Harvard’s Shorenstein Center (and also did an interview with CJR on Galley recently). After the recent mass shooting incident in New Zealand, a number of media outlets chose not to focus on the shooter, and didn’t publish or link to his “manifesto.” In some cases, news outlets didn’t even use his name in the stories they wrote, which is a big change from even a few years ago. But Phillips says there is more to be done.

“I’ve been considering these questions for the better part of a decade and I still find them vexing,” she says. There are some basic guidelines that are comparatively clear, including efforts to avoid publicizing anything that hasn’t yet met the tipping point—which is reached when a topic moves from a discrete online community and becomes a subject of broader discussion. Obviously, a mass shooting will cross that point immediately, but that doesn’t mean reporters should report everything about the incident. Of particular concern, says Phillips, are ways of framing the story that “aggrandize the shooter/antagonist, or otherwise incentivize future shooters/antagonists.”

Some news outlets have argued that they need to report on the personal details and background of extremists like the Christchurch shooter because we need to understand how they were radicalized. But while this kind of understanding might help in some cases, Phillips says it is going to fail in others, because “radicalization is a choice, and changing people’s minds about the things they actively choose is a long-term, up-close-and-personal, complicated ground game, not something you can solve by waving a newspaper article at someone.” Writing in detail about how they were radicalized might be seen by like-minded extremists as a reward rather than punishment.

It’s true that in some cases “sunlight disinfects,” in other words, that exposing wrong-doers can cause them to lose their power. But Phillips notes in some cases, it can function as a hydroponic grow light, “and it’s simply not possible to know what the long term effect of reporting will be. By then, it might be too late to intervene, because what ended up growing turned out to be poison.” Currently, journalists and even academics tend to focus almost exclusively on white supremacists and violent manipulators. But why? “At what point did we internalize the idea that attackers and liars and racists are the most interesting and important parts of a story?” she asks.

The point, Phillips says, is that if the goal is to undermine a violent ideology like white supremacy, you don’t do that by only talking about white supremacists. “That keeps them right where they want to be, which is central to the narrative.” What we should be doing is showing the effects of white supremacy. Many people only know about racism as an abstraction, says Phillips. “But it’s not an abstraction. It’s bleeding bodies. It’s screaming babies. It’s synagogues and mosques on lockdown. Those stories need telling.” Better to spend more time reporting those kinds of details, rather than another profile that amplifies the messaging “of some violent asshole whose actions tell us everything we need to know.”

Part of the problem with fighting misinformation is that we all believe things that turn out to be wrong, whether it’s bad habits or personal relationships. What this shows, she says, “is that well intentioned interventions, outfitted with true and important facts, often go unheeded, and can actually compel a person to double down and feel even more convinced that they’re right and everybody else is wrong.” That’s why well-intentioned fact-checking efforts can have a boomerang effect and actually entrench a false belief in some cases. And on top of that, studies have shown that repeating a message, even while debunking it, can reinforce the message and paradoxically make it seem more believable.

“Efforts to fact check hoaxes and other polluted information operate under the assumption that objective truth is a magic bullet [which] goes right into readers’ brains, without any filter, without any resistance, and fills in the holes that bad information leaves behind,” says Phillips. According to this theory, the problem of disinformation can be solved by handing out facts. But that’s not how human nature works. “When something ugly emerges from the depths, you simply cannot throw facts at it and expect anything transformative to happen—most basically because there is, across and between groups, no agreement about what the facts even are.”

There are even more complicating factors, Phillips says. According to one study of “fake news,” almost 15 percent of users shared false or misleading stories even though they knew they were untrue. And in many cases people do this because they want to send a message about who they are or what they believe, in order to show that they are part of a specific group. “Media literacy discussions within journalism and academia tend to presume good faith in these kinds of cases, and proceed from there,” she says. “But people don’t always operate under good faith. In my line of work in particular, bad faith arguments and actions are everywhere.”

Getting to the bottom of the Seth Rich conspiracy theory

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

It was one of the first prominent “fake news” conspiracy theories to metastasize from Internet rumor all the way to the White House: In the summer of 2016, stories began to circulate in various online forums that Seth Rich, a fairly low-level Democratic National Committee staffer who died in July, wasn’t the victim of a botched robbery at all, but had actually been assassinated by a contract killer working for Hillary Clinton. Rich, the theory went, was actually the secret source who had leaked DNC emails to WikiLeaks—a theory that WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange appeared to lend credence to when he offered a $20,000 reward for information leading to the identity of Rich’s killer or killers. “Our sources take risks,” he said.

As these theories were being spread by Reddit users, denizens of 4chan forums and even Fox News hosts like Sean Hannity, suspicion arose that there were shadowy forces trying to promote the loony-sounding conspiracy. But it wasn’t clear who exactly these forces were, or what their intentions were. On Tuesday, Yahoo News investigative reporter Michael Isikoff announced that he had tracked down the original source of the theory: A fake report concocted by the Russian intelligence agency SVR (short for Sluzhba vneshney razvedki Rossiyskoy Federatsii), a unit of the former KGB. The phony “bulletin,” designed to look like an authentic intelligence report, was released just 3 days after Rich’s death, Isikoff writes.

The idea that the Rich conspiracy theory was distributed by agents acting on behalf of the Russian government is not a new one. When information started to come out about the activities of the so-called Internet Research Agency during the 2016 election—which engaged in a sustained campaign of disinformation and outright propaganda on Facebook and other platforms—the Seth Rich assassination theory turned out to be one of the many pieces of fakery the IRA distributed as a way of destabilizing the campaign. But the agency was a privately run, arm’s-length entity (albeit one run by a close associate of Russian president Vladimir Putin). Until Isikoff’s report, it was not clear that this conspiracy theory originated from Russian intelligence itself.

Continue reading “Getting to the bottom of the Seth Rich conspiracy theory”

Facebook and the private group problem

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Anyone who has been paying attention over the past year is probably well aware that Facebook has a problem with misinformation, but a number of recent events have highlighted an issue that could be even more problematic for the company and its users: namely, harassment and various forms of abusive conduct in private groups. In the latest incident, ProPublica reported on Monday that members of a Facebook group frequented by current and former Customs and Border Patrol agents joked about the deaths of migrants, talked about throwing burritos at members of Congress who were visiting a detention facility in Texas, and posted a drawing of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez engaged in oral sex with a migrant. According to ProPublica, the group is called “I’m 10-15,” which is the code that CBP agents use when they have illegal migrants in custody, and has 9,500 members.

It’s not clear whether the administrator of the Facebook group made any effort to restrict membership to actual or former Customs and Border Patrol agents, so it’s probably not fair to conclude that the views expressed in the group are indicative of how a majority of the CBP feels about immigrants. But that didn’t stop many commentators on Twitter and elsewhere—including a number of congressmen—from expressing their concerns about whether attitudes at the agency need to be investigated. “It’s clear there is a pervasive culture of dehumanization of immigrants at CBP,” Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris said on Twitter, while her fellow candidate Ocasio-Cortez said “This isn’t about ‘a few bad eggs.’ This is a violent culture,” and described CBP as “a rogue agency.” If agents are threatening violence against members of Congress, Ocasio-Cortez said, “how do you think they’re treating caged children+families?”

In response to the ProPublica story, a spokesman for the CBP said that the agency has initiated an investigation into the “disturbing social media activity,” and Border Patrol Chief Carla Provost said the posts are “completely inappropriate and contrary to the honor and integrity I see—and expect—from our agents.” But the Customs and Border Patrol group is only the latest in a series of such examples that have come to light recently. A recent investigation by Reveal, the digital publishing arm of the Center for Investigative Reporting, reported that hundreds of current and retired law enforcement officers from across the US are members of extremist groups on Facebook, including those that espouse racist, misogynistic, and anti-government views.

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Deepfakes aren’t the real problem

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the New Gatekeepers blog at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

When it comes to disinformation, the latest buzzword on everyone’s lips is “deepfake,” a term used to refer to videos that have been manipulated using computer imaging (the word is a combination of “deep learning” and “fake”). Using relatively inexpensive software, almost anyone can create a video that makes the person in a video appear to be saying or doing something they never said or did. In one of the most recent examples, a Slovakian video artist named Ctrl Shift Face modified a video clip of comedian Bill Hader imitating Robert De Niro, so that Hader’s face morphs into that of the actor while he is doing the imitation. Another pair of artists created a deepfake of Facebook co-founder and CEO Mark Zuckerberg making sinister comments about his plans for the social network.

Technologists have been warning about the potential dangers of deepfakes for some time now. Nick Diakopolous, an assistant professor at Northwestern University, wrote a report called Reporting in a Machine Reality last year about the phenomenon, and as the US inches closer to the 2020 election campaign, concerns have continued to grow. The recent release of a doctored video of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi—slowed down to make her appear drunk—also fueled those concerns, although the Pelosi video was what some people have called a “cheapfake” or “shallowfake,” since it was obvious it had been manipulated. At a conference in Aspen this week, Mark Zuckerberg defended the fact the social network didn’t remove the Pelosi video, although he admitted it should not have taken so long to add a disclaimer and “down rank” the video.

Riding a wave of concern about this phenomenon, US legislators say they want to stop deepfakes at the source. So they have introduced something called the DEEPFAKES Accountability Act (in a classic Congressional move, the word “deepfakes” is capitalized because it is an acronym—the full name of the act is the Defending Each and Every Person from False Appearances by Keeping Exploitation Subject to Accountability Act). The law would make it a crime for anyone to create and distribute a piece of media that makes it look as though someone said or did something they didn’t say or do without including a digital watermark and text description that states it has been modified. The act also gives victims of “synthetic media” the right to sue the creators and “vindicate their reputations.”

Mutale Nkonde, a fellow with the Berkman Klein Center at Harvard and an expert in artificial intelligence policy, advised Congress on the Deepfakes Accountability Act and wrote in a post on Medium that the technology “could usher in a time where the most private parts of our lives could be outed through the release of manipulated online content — or even worse, as was the case with Speaker Pelosi, could be invented [out of] whole cloth.” In describing how the law came to be, Nkonde says that since repealing Section 230 of the Communications and Decency Act (which protects the platforms from liability for third-party content) would be difficult, legislators chose instead to amend the law related to preventing identity theft, “putting the distribution of deepfake content alongside misappropriation of information such as names, addresses, or social security numbers.”

Not everyone is enamored of this idea. While the artists who created the Zuckerberg video and the Hader video might be willing to add digital watermarks and textual descriptions to their creations identifying them as fakes, the really bad actors who are trying to manipulate public opinion and swing elections aren’t likely to volunteer to do so. And it’s not clear how this new law would force them to do this, or make it easier to find them so they could be prosecuted. The Zuckerberg and Hader videos were also clearly created for entertainment purposes. Should every form of entertainment that takes liberties with the truth (in other words, all of them) also carry a watermark and impose a potential criminal penalty on creators? According to the Electronic Frontier Foundation, the bill has some potential First Amendment problems.

Some believe this type of law attacks a symptom rather than a cause, in the sense that the overall disinformation environment on Facebook and other platforms is the problem. “While I understand everyone’s desire to protect themselves and one another from deepfakes, it seems to me that writing legislation on these videos without touching the larger issues of disinformation, propaganda, and the social media algorithms that spread them misses the forest for the trees,” said Brooke Binkowski, former managing editor of fact-checking site Snopes.com, who now works for a similar site called Truth or Fiction. What’s needed, she says, is legislation aimed at all elements of the disinformation ecosystem. “Without that, the tech will continue to grow and evolve and it will be a never-ending game of legislative catch-up.”

A number of experts, including disinformation researcher Joan Donovan of Harvard’s Shorenstein Center (who did a recent interview on CJR’s Galley discussion platform), have pointed out that you don’t need sophisticated technology to fool large numbers of people into believing things that aren’t true. The conspiracy theorists who peddle the rampant idiocy known as QAnon on Reddit and 4chan, or who create hoaxes such as the Pizzagate conspiracy theory, haven’t needed any kind of specialized technology whatsoever. Neither did those who promoted the idea that Barack Obama was born in Kenya. Even the Russian troll armies who spread disinformation to hundreds of millions of Facebook users during the 2016 election only needed a few fake images and plausible-sounding names.

There are those, including Nieman Lab director Joshua Benton, who don’t believe deepfakes are even that big a problem. “Media is wildly overreacting to deepfakes, which will have almost no impact on the 2020 election,” Benton said on Twitter after the Pelosi video sparked concern about deepfakes swamping voters with disinformation. Others, including the EFF, argue that existing laws are more than enough to handle deepfakes. In any case, rushing forward with legislation aimed at correcting a problem before it becomes obvious what the scope of the problem is—especially when that legislation has some obvious First Amendment issues—doesn’t seem wise.

Facebook’s cryptocurrency has something for everyone to hate

Note: This is something I originally wrote for the daily newsletter at the Columbia Journalism Review, where I’m the chief digital writer

Every once in a while, a company comes along that becomes a lightning rod for criticism from almost all directions, whether justifiably or not. At one point, this awkward mantle was held by IBM, and for a time Microsoft also played the role, but there’s no question who holds that title today: Facebook. The globe-spanning social network has become such a magnet for criticism that virtually anything it launches is questioned, if not dismissed outright as the work of a megalomaniac. That was certainly the dominant reaction to the company’s launch of a proposed cryptocurrency, known as Libra, which it announced with much fanfare on Tuesday. Although still very much in the formative stages, the proposal was roundly criticized by almost everyone, including a number of cryptocurrency experts, financial analysts, opponents of Big Tech, and financial regulators in both the US and the European Union (people born under the astrological sign Libra are apparently also upset).

To be fair, Facebook has brought much of this negative attention on itself. It has spent the past several years at first denying and then scrambling to fix (or cover up, depending on your perspective) multiple privacy breaches and failures that have exposed the personal data of hundreds of millions of users, including the Cambridge Analytica fiasco. The company has also been slow to react to the reality that its massive platform for targeted content and advertising has also been weaponized by professional trolls and agents of foreign governments, some of whom have used its tools in an attempt to influence elections in at least half a dozen countries. If anyone has done their best to poison the well when it comes to launching ambitious new projects like a global cryptocurrency, it is Facebook.

This explains why even in the most positive coverage of Facebook’s new currency, there was an unmistakeable sense that—as The Verge wrote about the Facebook Portal, a video screen product that the company released last year—this would have been a much more interesting (and potentially even positive) development if it had come from literally any other company. A global cryptocurrency? I’d like to know more! Controlled by Facebook? Er, no thanks. To make matters more frustrating for the company, it has gone to considerable lengths to make it clear that a) Libra won’t be controlled by Facebook, but by a non-profit consortium of members, and b) that none of the data provided by users will find its way into Facebook’s other operations—unless users explicitly say they want it to.

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